SCRIPTURE - MERE TEXT?
Gerald Bray
The Jordanstown Lectures 2007
(1)
What is truth?
It was in 1860 that Benjamin Jowett, penned his famous words to the
effect that ‘the Bible is a book which must be read like any other book’.
Jowett was writing in the collection of Essays and reviews which a group
of liberal Oxford theologians had put together, and was hoping to get the wider
church to accept the proposition that critical study of the Bible as a literary
text was not only possible but necessary if its true meaning and rightful
status were to be properly appreciated. A lot of water has flowed under the
bridge since then, and few modern readers would be as shocked by Jowett’s
thesis as many mid-Victorians were. Popular opinion at that time had developed
such a reverence for the Scriptures that they had come to be used as an
authority in ways that had never been intended and that were alien to the
genius of the text itself. An obvious and well-known example of this was the
widespread belief that the creation of the world had occurred on 26 October
4004 BC, according to the calculations made by Archbishop James Ussher of
Armagh in the seventeenth century. Following the lead given by St Augustine,
who was a firm believer in a young earth, Ussher assumed that all he had to do
was add up the numbers to work out precisely how young it was. This example is
particularly appropriate in that Jowett’s hermeneutical claims coincided with
the publication of Charles Darwin’s The origin of species the year
before, which had provoked a furious response from Samuel Wilberforce and other
defenders of what they saw as the church’s traditional beliefs. In contrast to
them, Jowett was trying to find a way to read the Bible as a product of its
time, with a worldview that cannot be harmonised with the findings of modern
science. It might still be of great value for moral and spiritual purposes, but
as a biological textbook it was less than useless.
The rise of the natural
sciences after Ussher’s time was bound to call the Augustinian view of creation
into question, and it is unfortunate that it has continued to command support
among modern so-called ‘creationists’. To be fair to them, the ‘creationists’
are right to insist that if the Biblical data are true they must cohere with
the findings of the natural sciences, but they are wrong to assume that Genesis
speaks the same language. There is nothing sadder than to see intelligent and
well-meaning people expend time and energy in a fruitless quest for a kind of
coherence between the Bible and science which is historically impossible. If
the creation account had been couched in modern scientific terms none of the
original readers of Genesis would have bene able to understand it! Genesis is
not invalidated because it approaches the subject of creation in a
non-scientific way, but it is often discredited by well-meaning supporters who
refuse to accept it for what it is and who try to read it in scientific terms.
It is hardly surprising that these efforts fail to carry conviction among
scientists and it is a tragedy that in some quarters reverence for the Bible
has turned to scepticism and contempt because of this particular
misunderstanding.
The whole confrontation
between science and the Bible, of which the creation narrative is the symbolic
epicentre, is particularly unfortunate, given the fact that the Augustinian
view was by no means dominant in the early church. Most of the Greek fathers
believed that the world was far older, and interpreted the Genesis account in
figurative and allegorical ways, regarding the numbers as symbolic of long
periods of time rather than as precise mathematical measurements.
Already in the second-century, the pagan writer Celsus raised all the
objections which we hear from modern rationalists, only to be brilliantly and
imaginatively refuted by Origen, the greatest Christian scholar of antiquity.
Origen understood that great mysteries had to be conveyed in simple terms if
ordinary people were ever going to grasp them, and even today really great
scientists often look for simple parallels which will help them get across what
might otherwise be highly complex and largely incomprehensible theories. Modern
scientists who understand the importance of communication usually have little
trouble with Genesis because their own experience tells them what the Biblical
writers were trying to do. In his recent book entitled The language of God,
Francis Collins, the head of the human genome project in Washington, makes this
point very clearly and demonstrates that the supposed incompatibilities between
science and faith are the result of a misunderstanding of how Genesis should be
read. Collins’ scientific knowledge is obviously far greater than Origen’s was,
but the conclusion he comes to about the nature of the Biblical text is
remarkably similar to his.
The early Christians
were so successful in their refutation of pagan scepticism that for a long time
it faded from view almost completely. It did not make a comeback until the late
seventeenth century, when it was popularised by John Toland, an Irish deist of
Roman Catholic background, whose book Christianity not mysterious became
its chief manifesto. But even then, Toland and those who thought like him were
easily refuted by a number of divines, most of whom were Anglicans. By 1750 his
views were out of favour in the British Isles, though they were still influential
elsewhere – in France especially, but also in other European countries and in
the American colonies, where they contributed to the outbreak of revolution
later in the eighteenth century.
By then, Toland’s
scepticism had been thoroughly reworked in Germany, where men like Friedrich
Schleiermacher married it to their own homegrown pietism to produce a synthesis
which continues to inform much modern opinion. Briefly stated, this synthesis
claims that there are two different kinds of truth, one of which is congruent
with the dictates of modern science and the other of which transcends it. The
first kind of truth is dominant in academic life but the second also has an
important place in the hearts and minds of those who are sensitive to
intangible realities like beauty and love, which transcend the merely rational
and cannot be reduced to mathematical analysis. Failure to understand the
second kind of truth was a sign of robotic bestiality rather than of
civilisation. It could produce a Frankenstein, who was in fact invented by Mary
Shelley at about this time, but not a normal, well-rounded human being. By
positing two different kinds of truth, Schleiermacher believed that he had
carved out a permanent place for religion as the privileged interpreter of this
non-rational dimension of human life. What he could not foresee was that his
opponents would respond by developing human sciences like psychology, thereby
extending the principles of rationalism to areas of life that Schleiermacher
had tried to reserve for religion. But whereas the earlier natural scientists
could ignore religion and claim that it was irrelevant to their discipline, the
newer human scientists had to find some explanation for it. As an almost
universal social phenomenon it must have some meaning and the human scientists
set about trying to find it. After some initial fumbling, they generally
decided that it was a complex set of symbols attempting to explain fundamental
characteristics of our makeup which were otherwise too complex for pre-scientific
people to understand. All religions do this, though some are more sophisticated
than others and can therefore be regarded as ‘higher’ than more primitive
expressions of the religious impulse. Of course, the closer religious symbols
come to what can be demonstrated by science to be true, the more rational, and
therefore more acceptable, that religion may be said to be. Given that most of
these scientists were German Protestants, it is perhaps inevitable that they
were inclined to believe that Christianity, and especially its German
Protestant variety, was the highest form of religion. But its detractors could
still argue that however close it may come, even the highest religion is only a
caricature of scientific truth. It might serve as a comfort to the
simple-minded, but those who had been educated in the tenets of rational
inquiry could, and should, leave it behind.
Today it seems that it
is these sceptics who have the upper hand, as the success of men like Richard
Dawkins indicates. Theologians find it difficult to use the traditional
arguments to refute him, not least because in an ecumenical age like ours,
nobody would dare to suggest that Christianity is superior to other religions.
It is true that Martin Luther is occasionally held up as the apostle of the
free conscience, but as the same thing is said of Thomas More, one of Luther’s
arch-opponents, we may wonder just exactly what this is supposed to mean.
Recently the well-known Irish theologian Alister McGrath published a history of
Protestantism, which he defined as a movement promoting freedom of thought and
inquiry. This view would have surprised Luther, but it has been echoed by the
historian Roy Foster, whose latest book, Luck and the Irish, maintains
that Irish Catholics are now mostly Protestant because they have started
thinking for themselves instead of relying on priests and the church. In fact,
of course, these Catholics are not Protestants but liberal free-thinkers, and
it is only because the main Protestant churches contain significant numbers of
such people that Foster’s identification sounds plausible. But if
Schleiermacherian liberalism has fallen on hard times, it lingering effects can
still be seen from time to time within the Protestant churches, particularly on
the lips of men who were educated a generation or more ago. For example, in
July of this year the archbishop of Armagh preached a sermon at Clonmacnoise in
which he criticised members of his own church for what he called ‘bibliolatry’,
a term which he then defined as ‘the business of mistaking the Word of God for
a mere text’. Warming to his theme, the archbishop then went on to say this:
The sublime
evangelist St John makes clear from the very beginning of his testimony that
the Word of God is incarnate and personified. The Word is He and not It. The
words of the Scriptures describe and explore the experience of human witnesses
in their attempts to set down what each has known and seen as the action of God
in the world. Those written words include, pre-eminently, accounts of the
experience and understanding of those who walked the roads of Palestine with
Jesus himself.
In these words we
find ourselves back in the world of Schleiermacher’s two truths, filtered
through the prism of Benjamin Jowett. On the one hand, the Word of God is
defined as a He and not an It, which means that it cannot be studied and
analysed with the tools of objective reason. This is Schleiermacher. But the
words of the Scriptures belong to the world of the It, and therefore cannot be
equated with the Word of God. Because of that, they can be dissected and
criticised as little more than the opinions and reminiscences of fallible human
beings. This is Jowett. The archbishop recognises that the two truths co-exist
and even overlap to some extent, but they do not coincide, and ultimately the
knowable words of the text must give way to the knowable but unfathomable Word
incarnate.
Is such an interpretation of the
source material of Christianity defensible? Even on its own terms, it contains
a serious flaw, which is that the Word incarnate can only be known in and
through the words of the Biblical text. If these words are mistaken, then our
knowledge of the Word made flesh is faulty, since we have no other witness to
him. It should be noted here in passing that no-one is claiming that the
Biblical witness to Christ is exhaustive. There is clearly much about him, and
about God in general, that we do not know and that the Scriptures do not
purport to tell us. The question at issue is not whether their witness is
comprehensive but whether it is accurate as far as it goes, which is something
rather different. Some people may appeal to the sacraments and the existence of
the church as the body of Christ as ways of knowing him apart from the Biblical
text, but this does not work because the meaning of these things is expounded
in the Scriptures and cannot be understood without them. It might be possible
for the church and its rituals to exist without a written text to back them up,
as they did in the first decades of Christianity, but no-one would know for
sure what to make of them and there would be no way of telling whether they had
remained essentially the same over the centuries. The apostles committed their
teaching to writing so that it would continue to shape the structures and
self-understanding of God’s people here on earth. The simple fact of the matter
is that if they were wrong then we are wrong and the beliefs we proclaim when
we meet around the Lord’s table are really no more than personal opinions handed
down to us by well-informed but potentially misguided people. It is therefore
not surprising to find liberal theologians and church leaders telling us that
we can pick and choose what we want to believe, and even introduce new ideas
that the apostles would have rejected or not understood, because they do not
regard the apostolic testimony as definitive for all time. And the reason they
do not do so is that they do not see it as being true in an ultimate or eternal
sense. It may have served for the first Christian century and there is no need
to supposed that the apostles were deliberately lying, but they were men of
their time and so it is hardly surprising if they are not always able to speak
adequately to men – and especially to women – today.
The significance of this becomes
clear when we recall that the Apostle Paul understood the eucharist not as a
fellowship meal but as a solemn remembering of the Lord’s death until he comes
again. The disciples of Jesus believed that he rose again from the dead and
that he will return to earth at the end of time. Modern scholars are inclined
to think that they also believed that Christ would return in their lifetimes,
and so history has already proved them to be wrong, at least about that. Common
sense tells us that bodily resurrections do not happen, so the apostles were
also mistaken in believing this, however sincere they may have been. But the
church is the community of the resurrection and its ceremonies bear witness to
the ongoing presence of his body among us in spiritual form. If that
resurrection never occurred, the church is built on a lie and has no right to
exist. An atheist professor at Oxford will have no trouble drawing this
conclusion, but matters are not so simple for a bishop, who might at least lose
his job if this were the case. Nor can we retreat into the ‘two-truth’ solution
and claim that as a miracle, the resurrection must be understood in a spiritual
sense and not as a physical event. It is one thing to say that the creation of
the world is explained in a symbolic and non-technical way but quite another to
claim that the resurrection of Jesus is also more symbolic than historical.
Nobody doubts that the world exists – the only question is how it got here, and
the first chapters of Genesis explain this as simply and as clearly as
possible. Furthermore, the creation story is not an eye-witness account and
nobody’s credibility is at stake. In both these respects, the resurrection
narrative is completely different. The body of Jesus is not available for
anyone to see, and there are many who doubt whether it ever could have been.
The truth of the resurrection depends on the credibility of the witnesses, and
they speak to us now only in the pages of the New Testament. Without that we
have nothing to go on, but how trustworthy is it? Is it reliable enough to
change our lives and turn us into followers of Jesus Christ, or is it only an
opinion expressed by fallible men whose worldview allowed them to believe
something which is incredible for us today?
The limitations of
modern Biblical criticism
Following Jowett’s
assertion that the Bible is a book like any other book, modern Biblical critics
have used of any number of techniques and theories to examine the text and
determine how much of it is credible and therefore likely to be true. Scholars
have relied on archaeology, literary criticism, comparative studies of
different kinds and linguistic analysis in order to analyse the Gospels as we
now have them and break them down into their various components. More
importantly, they have also used such techniques to decide how far they may
reflect the teaching of Jesus himself. It is often claimed that this so-called
quest for the historical Jesus is based on scientific textual criticism but
this is very questionable. Textual criticism is based on the texts as they now
exist, and uses their peculiarities as indicators of what their sources may
have been and how they were subsequently edited. For example, we know that what
appears as the sermon on the mount in Matthew 5-7 also appears in Luke, but in
Luke the material is found scattered throughout the narrative. Most people find
it easier to believe that it was originally fragmented in the Lucan fashion and
that Matthew collected it in one place, but it is also possible that Luke
started with something that looked more like Matthew and deliberately broke up
the material and dispersed it throughout his Gospel. If Luke was written later
than Matthew, as many scholars think, the second option gains in plausibility, but
the truth is that we do not know either way. All that is certain is that some
editing took place in both Gospels, but any attempt to establish the principles
which governed it can only be speculative.
Trying to decide how much of the
sermon on the mount comes from the lips of Jesus is also more difficult than it
may seem. Leaving aside the obvious fact that Jesus spoke Aramaic and not the
Greek in which his words have been transmitted to us, it is reasonable to
suppose that the process of editing those words has shortened them
considerably. It would not have taken Jesus very long to say the things
recorded of him nor would the present form of his sayings have sounded very
good as a sermon or address. Condensation therefore seems to have been
inevitable, but beyond that we cannot go. To argue that Jesus could not have
said this or that because it would have been anachronistic or out of character
for him to have done so is to predetermine what he was like, an exercise which
is hazardous in the extreme. For example, many people have claimed that Jesus
could not have uttered the words of the Great Commission at the end of Matthew’s
Gospel because they contain an injunction to baptise the nations in the name of
the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, a Trinitarian reference. The assumption is
that these words cannot have been uttered by Jesus himself because Trinitarian
beliefs were supposedly not structured in that way until much later. But the
evidence of Acts 8, which tells the story of how some Samaritans had been baptised
in the name of Jesus only and had not received the Holy Spirit shows that
Trinitarian baptism was a very early practice, and where would that have come
from, if not from Jesus himself? Recently Larry Hurtado of Edinburgh University
has gone through the New Testament to demonstrate that worship of Jesus as God
goes right back to the earliest days of the church. In his book Lord Jesus
Christ he backs up this contention with a mass of evidence, which is all
the more remarkable given that his views concerning the authorship and dating
of his sources are not particularly conservative. But even with his relatively
sceptical view of the sources which seriously limits the amount of evidence he
is prepared to consider, Hurtado has managed to overturn the scholarly
consensus of most of the twentieth century, which pictured a Jesus who called
himself the ‘Son of Man’ but was unaware of any divine status, which his
followers only gradually attributed to him after his death.
As Hurtado points out, the scholarly
consensus he has overturned was based not on objective fact but on a subjective
analysis which starts with the unproved assumption that any theological
interpretation of Jesus in the New Testament must be of late provenance.
Working on that premiss, everything with
theological tinge is systematically relegated to the second generation of the
church or even later, which means that the Gospels, and particularly the Gospel
of John, are assigned to a very late date and considered to be of little or no
historical value. When this happens, textual criticism transmutes from being a
scientific discipline which uses objective criteria into a pseudo-scientific
form of speculation based on unproved and highly dubious presuppositions. Quite
why anyone would transform the story of a failed revolutionary rabbi into a
narrative of salvation through the death and resurrection of a divine God-man
is never explained. How a Jew, of all people, could even begin to think in that
way, let alone persuade any of his countrymen that he was telling the truth,
remains an unresolved mystery. Even something non-miraculous, like the linking
of the priestly office with the Davidic monarchy, was unprecedented in Israel
and alien to traditional Jewish beliefs. How did anyone come to believe that
Jesus was a priest-king when the only such person in the nation’s past was
Melchizedek, and he was not an Israelite? The disciples of Jesus understood
that he was unique, and they were as surprised by what he did and what happened
to him as any of us would have been. Moreover, it is his very uniqueness which
makes it impossible to prove the truth of what he said and did by the usual
scientific means. Science relies on comparative analysis, which in the case of
a unique person and events is impossible. The irony here is that although
scientific reasoning is ill-equipped to deal with unique occurrences, to
conclude that therefore nothing unique can ever occur is unscientific! What is
unique can only be examined once it has happened, and failure to find parallels
elsewhere is not enough to discredit the evidence offered in support of it. It
is true that in the nature of the case, belief in the Christian version of
events requires a personal decision based on probability rather than on
absolute certainty, but that does not make such a decision irrational. I
believe that Christopher Columbus discovered America on 12 October 1492, even
though I have no evidence to prove it and Columbus himself did not believe it –
he thought he had found some islands off the coast of India! My reasons for
saying he discovered America are deduced by the same logical processes as my
reasons for believing in the resurrection of Jesus. Of course I may be wrong
about one or both of these conclusions, but if so, it will not be because of
some mindless credulity on my part. The weight of the available evidence
supports belief in these things and to deny them on the basis of some
preconceived notion of what is and is not possible would amount to a form of
mindless incredulity, which is just as irrational as its opposite.
The theological
imperative
The Bible
challenges us to believe in a transcendent God, who is the creator and
preserver of the universe. It claims that he made the laws of science and can
transcend them when necessary because he is in no way bound by them. If such a
God exists, there is no logical reason why the supernatural acts which it
ascribes to him should not have taken place. Nor will it do to dismiss this
claim by saying that the Bible was written by believers, making the evidence it
offers subjective and unreliable. People who write books testifying to their
experiences of unusual events obviously do so because they believe that those
events occurred, and it would be absurd to discredit their claims merely
because of that. We would hardly expect someone to write a detailed account of
the resurrection of Jesus if he did not believe it had happened! Even on Jowett’s
premiss that the Bible is a book like any other book, it does not follow that
its claims must be rejected merely on the basis of philosophical
presuppositions which contradict them. The true scientist will always be open
to the possibility that it is the presuppositions that are wrong and not the
Biblical witness. The history of science is full of instances where universally
held beliefs have been overturned on the basis of further evidence and
research, so there is nothing sacrosanct about the presupposition that
resurrection from the dead is impossible. If it can be shown that such a
resurrection has occurred, it is the presupposition which has to be discarded,
not the fact which has disproved it.
Thus far we have sought to argue the
case for taking the claims of Christianity seriously even within the parameters
of Benjamin Jowett’s critical dictum. Now it is time to go one step further,
and ask whether Jowett was right to regard the Bible in the way that he did.
Can a scholar really read the Bible in exactly the same way as he would read
any other text? Should he try to do so? Surely even a brief consideration of
the question will show that he cannot, and that to attempt to do so is to
misunderstand the nature of the text itself. Why were the sacred texts of the
Christian church composed in the first place? What were they for?
When the archbishop of Armagh said
that: ‘The words of the Scriptures describe and explore the experience of human
witnesses in their attempts to set down what each has known and seen as the
action of God in the world’, he was expressing a view which is commonly held
and which at first sight appears to be unexceptional. Surely a human author
will inevitably describe whatever he is writing about in terms that reflect his
own perspectives and prejudices. These may not be serious enough to falsify his
account, but they will certainly give it a distinctive colouring. We all know
this from reading different accounts of our own history. Writing in the Irish
Times a few years ago, Fintan O’Toole remarked that Ireland resembles
Russia because its past is always changing. He meant by this that historical
events are reinterpreted according to the bias of writers and politicians who
want to make use of them for their own purposes. As these purposes change, so
does the history, which is reconfigured to meet the new circumstances. A wonderful
example of this can be found in the museum of republicanism in Enniscorthy,
which was established to commemorate the bicentenary of Wolfe Tone’s uprising
in 1798. The museum honours great republicans of all ages, from the ancient
Greeks to the present, including the heroes of the short-lived English republic
of 1649. Thus it happens that those Irish people who are most deeply opposed to
the traditional English oppressor have been led by their ideology to erect
Ireland’s only monument to Oliver Cromwell, a man who is usually denounced by
those people as the greatest oppressor of them all! This is as clear a case of
belief triumphing over history as it is possible to find anywhere, but no-one
seems to have noticed the irony or objected to it. Is this the sort of thing
that has happened in the Bible? Are we now reading about people and events
through a theological lens imposed on them for religious reasons, which may not
go to the point of inventing the past from scratch, but which gives it a
flavour which it would not otherwise possess?
The only way to answer this question
is to look at the texts themselves. What we now call the Old Testament is the
legacy of ancient Israel that was put together by a long line of redactors,
almost all of whom are unknown to us. Even the prophetic books, which come
closest to having an identifiable author in the modern sense, are probably
collections made after the prophet’s death by people who are now largely
unidentifiable. All that we can say for sure is that by the time of Jesus the
Old Testament books were recognised by everyone as authoritative for Israel’s
religion. Even Jesus said that he had come not to overturn them, but to expound
their inner meaning and fulfil their intentions. He often disputed the meaning
of the Scriptures with the scribes and Pharisees and deplored their legalism,
but he never accused them of Biblioatry. On the contrary, he affirmed the
validity of every jot and tittle that had been handed down to them, stating
only that if the Jews had read the text properly they would have understood
that it spoke about him. In other words, knowing Jesus was not a matter of
abandoning an abstract and inadequate text in favour of a living, breathing
human being, but of understanding that text in the right spirit.
The reason for this is that writing
had formed an essential part of God’s revelation to his people from the time
that God wrote the Ten Commandments on tablets of stone and gave them to Moses.
Moses was the messenger and authorised interpreter of those words, but they did
not originate with him, nor can they be regarded as his considered reflection
on his encounter with God. What he conveyed to the people was what God had told
him to say, and this note of transmission is a constant refrain in the Old Testament
literature. Those who edited the texts and preserved them for future
generations were guided by the belief that what they were transmitting was the
Word of God, which he intended to be a law for his people. The editors did not
record everything that every prophet said, and their approach to history was
much more complex than it might appear at first sight. For example, the history
of the Davidic monarchy is recounted twice, once from what we would now call a
layman’s perspective and once from the priestly point of view. The two accounts
overlap but are not identical, although both narratives emphasise the
significance that particular events had for Israel’s faith. Because of that,
the great king Omri gets only seven verses while his less able son Ahab takes
up several chapters, because Omri did nothing to undermine Israelite religion
whereas Ahab was responsible for introducing widespread idolatry and for
persecuting the prophets. Working with different criteria, the secular
historian today would probably devote much more attention to Omri and treat
Ahab as a less important figure. The compliers of the kingly narrative may well
have shared that assessment of the two men in some respects, but their purpose
in writing was completely different from that of a modern secular historian. In
spiritual terms Ahab was a more significant figure than his father, and the
Biblical text reflects that fact. The end result is that we have an
interpretation of events which might be called biassed, but which cannot be regarded
as a falsification. Its bias, if that is a fair term to use, may even be
defended on the ground that Israel’s longer-term historical significance has
been spiritual rather than political or economic in nature, so giving
preference to that aspect of the nation’s life is entirely justified.
This becomes even more apparent when
we look at the non-historical parts of the Old Testament, the psalms for
example, and the wisdom literature. They are in the canon because of their
spiritual function in the life of the covenant community. It is important to
understand this when we read things like the imprecatory psalms, which appear
on the surface to be incompatible with the Christian teaching about a God of
love. How could such a God encourage the psalmist to pray that the little
children of Babylon might be dashed against the stones and destroyed before
reaching adulthood? This goes against the grain for most modern readers, but
that is because we read such things out of context. Israel was surrounded by
enemies who were determined to destroy her and younger generations were
expected to avenge the defeats of their elders. From that perspective the
destruction of Babylon’s children was a necessary measure of self-defence,
since to allow them to grow up was to invite destruction on oneself. The modern
equivalent would be the need for nations to go to war from time to time in
order to prevent greater evils from flourishing. We do not believe that it is
right to kill other human beings, but in the context of warfare such killing
becomes inevitable and so we accept it as a regrettable necessity. To
individualise the psalmist’s sentiments and condemn them as an inappropriate
attitude for a modern believer to adopt with respect to his personal enemies is
to falsify the text’s meaning by removing it from its context and then
misapplying it. Those who are appalled by texts like these have usually done
just that, with the result that what is an appropriate reaction in their
context gets extended to the Bible and discredits its authority by reason of a
category mistake.
What we see here is that the Old
Testament was put together as a witness to the voice of God speaking to his
people. Parts of it functioned in the civil government as law and in religious
worship as praise and thanksgiving. It taught wisdom to young and old alike and
reminded the people of their unique calling in the world. The effects of this
can be seen by looking around us – more than 2000 years later, the Assyrians
and Babylonians have disappeared but Israel, the Jewish people, is still with
us and still as influential in world affairs as ever. There can be little doubt
that Judaism owes its strength and survival to its adherence to its sacred
book. That alone would be enough to disprove Jowett’s thesis that the Bible is
a book like any other, for what other book has achieved a comparable result in
such adverse circumstances?
When we come to the New Testament we
find a somewhat different situation, though the underlying principles are the
same. The New Testament was not put together over many centuries by largely
unknown groups of people, but was produced in a single generation by men who
are for the most part identifiable, even if it is not always clear which James
or John is the author of the books ascribed to men of those names. Somehow or
other, all the New Testament books are connected to the apostles of Jesus,
whose teaching they contain. As the epistles of Paul demonstrate, they were
never meant to stand in isolation from the life of the church; from the
beginning, they were used in Christian congregations to determine the content
of the apostolic preaching and to correct those who had strayed from it. Not
everything in them was clear to everybody, but this did not matter too much as
long as there were people who could teach the apostolic message faithfully. As
we know from the texts themselves, false teachers abounded, which is not
altogether surprising when we think of the great sophistication of the
Graeco-Roman world at that time, and it appears that the apostles committed
their teaching to writing largely in order to refute their errors and to
prevent them from corrupting the church.
The authority they claimed for their
teaching had been given to them by Jesus himself. This is why the Apostle Paul
had to insist that he had met with the risen Lord, since otherwise he could not
have claimed the teaching authority of an apostle. It is this teaching
authority which has given us the New Testament and which justifies us in
calling it the Word of God. What it does not say about Jesus we cannot know,
and what it does say we must follow if we are going to be his disciples. The
Bible is infallible in this respect and inerrant in the same way that the law
of the land is inerrant. We may not like the law, but we are obliged to obey it
as it stands and those appointed to interpret it cannot twist its meaning or
improvise as they go along. No lawyer would claim that the law is a perfect
representation of justice, but most of them would probably insist that justice cannot
be obtained, or even imagined, without it. The law is a means to an end rather
than the end in itself, but it is a means which in practice is indispensable.
Great confusion is caused when the concepts of infallibility and inerrancy are
taken out of their legal context and turned into philosophical principles
instead. It is perfectly possible for a mathematical table or a telephone
directory to be inerrant, and anyone who writes a DIY manual will claim that it
is infallible, so neither of these concepts is an exclusive property of
divinity. That God has spoken correctly we may infer from his nature, but we
must also remember that the reason he spoke was to draw us closer to himself,
not to impress us with his uncommon brilliance.
The witness of the
Holy Spirit
The Bible is not a
book like any other book because it talks about God in a way which assumes that
its message can only properly be understood by those who submit to its
authority, and that such submission will not occur unless and until the person
concerned has come to a knowledge of the God of whom the text speaks. Where is
such knowledge going to come from? We Christians claim that the Bible was
inspired by the Holy Spirit, working in and through the prophets and apostles,
and we also claim that we have received that same Holy Spirit in our hearts. As
the Apostle Paul said to the Romans: ‘The Spirit of God bears witness with our
spirit that we are children of God’ (Romans 8:16) and to the Galatians: ‘Because
you are sons, God has put the Spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying Abba,
Father’ (Galatians 4:6). Many people think that everyone who has been baptised
has received the Holy Spirit and can therefore resonate with the Spirit’s voice
in the Bible, but this is obviously untrue. There are many people who were
baptised at some point in their lives who now openly renounce any form of
Christianity. Adolf Hitler was baptised, but who would claim that he was filled
with the Spirit of God? Josef Stalin was not only baptised, he was a seminarian
– but that hardly qualifies him to be considered an interpreter of God’s Word!
The gift of the Spirit is symbolised in baptism but the Spirit blows where he
wills and cannot be tied down to an outward ceremony, even one which was
appointed by Christ himself, and so it must be if the Spirit is to remain
sovereign over the church which he has brought into being.
How do we know whether a person is
filled with the Spirit or not? There are two main criteria by which we perceive
and measure this. The first is faithfulness to the Scriptures and recognition
of them as the divinely inspired Word of God. Anyone who rejects this is not
filled with God’s Spirit, since God’s Spirit will recognise and confirm His own
words. The other criterion is Paul’s famous statement that ‘by their fruits you
will know them’. If a person’s life is not consistent with his message, then we
must suppose that he is not filled with the Spirit of God either – deeds must
accompany words, because faith without works is dead. The underlying principle
is coherence – in the first instance, between God’s Spirit and our spirit, and
in the second instance between our spirit and our behaviour.
The Bible has never been isolated from the life of the church or treated as an object of veneration for its own sake. Those who have submitted themselves to its authority have combed it for every jot and tittle of meaning. They have preached it, taught it, translated it and applied it to every aspect of the church’s life. For those who believe in Christ, the Biblical text is a working document, the living witness of His presence among us. It is not an idol or a sacred talisman which cannot to be touched or disturbed in any way. The authority of the Bible is the authority of the God who gave it to us by means of messengers who composed and transmitted the text as we now have it. The proof lies in the pudding – only if we taste and see can we discover that the Lord is good to those who seek him. There is no other way. If it is true that the Bible was not given to the church in order to become an object of veneration, it was not meant to become an object of criticism either. Those who attack it and who pass judgement on it will get no closer to understanding it that those who attacked Jesus got to becoming his followers. The Bible yields its secrets only to those who submit to its authority and learn from it in a spirit of humble obedience. Benjamin Jowett’s assertion that it must be read as a book like any other book has some validity at the level of grammatical analysis, but it is wide of the mark in every other respect. From the beginning, the Bible has been the vehicle of the church’s proclamation of the Gospel, the substance of the message of salvation, the key to understanding the God we worship. It would not exist otherwise. Furthermore, no other book performs these functions or even pretends to. The universal witness of the church throughout the ages is that the message it contains brings us face to face with God. It is this which matters in the end and which obliges us to say that the Bible is most definitely not a book like any other book. As generations of Christians have discovered, it is the Word of eternal life, given to us by God so that we might know and worship him and his Son Jesus Christ, our only Saviour and Lord.